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Opinion Has LA's Sprawl Really Hit the Wall? Southern Sierran - August 2002 The headlines are calling attention to a deepening regional crisis: “No Ideal Boast: L.A. Traffic Worst—Again,” “Prices Soar for Housing in Southland,” “Pasadena’s Poor Lack Housing, Suit Claims,” “LA has Worst Air.” Traffic congestion, deteriorating air quality and loss of open space are the byproducts of urban sprawl. Is there another way? Planners, academics and policy makers at the state and local levels have been grappling with these questions. Many have come to the conclusion that the model of freeway and suburban housing development that has characterized post-WWII Los Angeles is simply not sustainable—that sprawl has hit the wall. At the same time, our population is growing—mostly due to births rather than to people moving here. During the last decade large numbers of people left because of the economic and natural disasters and almost no housing was built. Even so, our population grew. The question is no longer one of whether we should encourage growth, but rather, how we will improve the quality of life as we have children? How do we make our neighbors and the region both livable and sustainable? Quality of Life Indicators
Rush-hour highway speeds in Los Angeles County are expected by drop 50% by 2025. ( MTA Long Range Plan) Since the state began compiling data in 1984, more than 80,000 acres of farmland in Riverside County have been converted to urban uses, the highest in California. (California Department of Conservation) In the 1990’s LA County added more than one million residents, but built only 120,000 homes and apartments. (Sprawl Hits the Wall) Are You Ready for More Traffic? Only when the MTA stepped out of the let’s-build-more-roads box and assumed some changes in land use and development patterns did the outlook improve. “Smart Growth”—with new development taking place as infill, rather than on the suburban fringe—was the only scenario under which current rush-hour highway speeds did not fall dramatically. As the MTA’s analysis shows, the problem isn’t more people, as is commonly assumed. We can accommodate our children and grandchildren if we are smart about where we put our new homes, workplaces, schools, stores, restaurants and parks. Where Can We Build More Homes? The Challenge First, we have to rethink our obsession with all things automotive. Movement of cars and ample parking take top priority in our planning decisions. We have reached the practical limits of the single-occupant car with our congested freeways and long boulevards dotted with surface parking lots in front of stores and businesses. Los Angeles’ much derided contribution to urban design, the corner mini-mall, is everywhere. Forgotten are the bus rider, the bicyclist and the child walking to school. Second, we have to let go of the idea that if you don’t build it, they won’t come. Our population is growing because we are here and we are having children. We know firsthand that not planning for growth doesn’t prevent the growth. Not building decent homes for our growing population erodes our quality of life as home prices soar and multiple families crowd into single-family houses or garages. Third, we need to encourage a more urban design, rather than suburban design, for selected areas. Public transportation and neighborhood shopping districts work better when more people live within walking distance. When thoughtfully designed and located, a four- or five-story apartment building can be an asset for a neighborhood by building in a customer base for neighborhood businesses, providing needed densities for more frequent bus or rail service, and increasing safety by increasing the number of people walking in the neighborhood. Beth Steckler is the policy director for Livable Places, a nonprofit organization working to build housing and more sustainable communities. For a full discussion of the problems facing the region and recommendations for addressing them see: “Sprawl Hits the Wall,” USC Southern California Studies Center and the Brookings Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, 2001. |
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